Quick questions on Suharto's New Order 1967-1998: HSC Modern History National Study

The "dual function" of the armed forces was the founding political doctrine. ABRI (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia, the Indonesian Armed Forces) had simultaneous defence and "sociopolitical" roles. The doctrine was formalised at the army's first seminar in Bandung (April 1965) and adopted across ABRI under General Maraden Panggabean in 1969.

Suharto inherited GOLKAR (Sekber-GOLKAR, founded 1964) as an anti-Communist coalition of "functional groups." Under the New Order it became the regime's electoral machine. The 1971 election (the first under Suharto) gave GOLKAR 62.8 per cent of the vote against ten contesting parties.

The ideological framework was Pancasila, but reformulated as the sole permitted foundation. The 1985 Mass Organisations Law (UU 8/1985) required all political parties, mass organisations, religious bodies, and civil society groups to adopt Pancasila as their asas tunggal (sole foundation). Islamic organisations that resisted were banned.

Suharto's economic policy reversed Sukarno's autarky. The technocrats around Widjojo Nitisastro, Ali Wardhana, Emil Salim and Mohammad Sadli (all trained at the University of California, Berkeley, hence the "Berkeley Mafia") were given control of finance, planning (BAPPENAS) and economic ministries.

Pembangunan (development) was the New Order's signature word and its central legitimating claim. It produced real gains: primary school enrolment near-universal by 1990; infant mortality fell from 132 per 1,000 births (1970) to 50 (1995); life expectancy rose from 47 (1970) to 65 (1996).

The President's children built one of Asia's largest informal business empires. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana ("Tutut") controlled toll roads and television (TPI). Bambang Trihatmodjo controlled Bimantara Group (electronics, media). Hutomo Mandala Putra ("Tommy") controlled the national clove monopoly (BPPC) and a national car project (Timor 1996) given tax exemptions.

The system rested on coercion. The KOPKAMTIB security command and later BAKORSTANAS ran extra-judicial detentions. The Petrus campaign of 1983 to 1985 (Penembakan Misterius, "mysterious shootings") executed an estimated 5,000 alleged criminals; Suharto later claimed authorship in his 1989 autobiography.

Michael Vatikiotis (Indonesian Politics under Suharto, 1993) is the standard political account. He emphasises the dwifungsi-GOLKAR-Pancasila triad as a self-reinforcing political technology.

Growth was real, but it was state-directed (Repelita plans, Pertamina, BULOG, Bimas) and rested on suppressing labour costs (around $1 per day minimum wage in 1990s Java) and capturing rents.

The army's political role was a New Order innovation built on the foundation of the killings.

PPP is the merged Islamic opposition (1973). PDI is the merged nationalist-Christian opposition (1973). GOLKAR is the regime's vehicle.

The Mass Organisations Law was 1985, not 1965 or 1968.