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Focus Study 3: The search for peace and security 1919-1946

The policy of appeasement and the road to war, including the Anschluss (1938), Munich Agreement (1938), the Nazi-Soviet Pact (1939), and the invasion of Poland

A focused answer to the HSC Modern History Core Study dot point on appeasement. The Anschluss, the Munich Agreement, the Nazi-Soviet Pact, the invasion of Poland, and the historiographical debate between A.J.P. Taylor and Richard Overy.

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  1. What this dot point is asking
  2. The answer
  3. How to read a source on this topic
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What this dot point is asking

NESA examines appeasement as both a policy and a debate. You need to know the sequence of crises from the Rhineland to Poland, the British and French logic for accommodation, and the historiographical clash between A.J.P. Taylor (revisionist) and Richard Overy (intentionalist) over the origins of WWII.

The answer

The logic of appeasement

Appeasement was the policy of conceding to Germany's revisionist demands in the hope that a satisfied Germany would not start a general war. The policy was driven by several factors.

The trauma of the Great War (1914-1918) made another European war unthinkable; British casualties had been 880,000 dead. Britain and France had not rearmed during the Depression. The League of Nations had collapsed after Abyssinia. The USSR was distrusted after the Purges (1936-1938) and the Spanish Civil War. The British Empire was over-stretched: a war in Europe would invite Japan in the Pacific. There was a moral case too: the Treaty of Versailles was widely seen in Britain by 1938 as unjustly harsh, and German demands for self-determination of ethnic Germans seemed reasonable.

Neville Chamberlain became Prime Minister on 28 May 1937. The Foreign Office had been pursuing accommodation since the mid-1930s under Stanley Baldwin; Chamberlain personalised and accelerated it.

Anschluss (12 March 1938)

Austrian Chancellor Kurt Schuschnigg attempted to call a plebiscite on Austrian independence. Hitler issued an ultimatum; Schuschnigg resigned. Austrian Nazi Arthur Seyss-Inquart, the new Chancellor, "invited" the Wehrmacht in. Hitler entered Vienna on 14 March. A plebiscite (10 April 1938) endorsed union with Germany at 99.7 per cent. Britain and France protested but did not act. The Treaty of Versailles had explicitly banned Anschluss; this prohibition was now a dead letter.

The Munich Agreement (29 to 30 September 1938)

Hitler demanded the Sudetenland (the German-speaking border regions of Czechoslovakia, home to 3.5 million ethnic Germans and most of the country's industry and fortifications). Chamberlain flew to Germany three times in September 1938: Berchtesgaden (15 September), Bad Godesberg (22 September), and Munich (29 to 30 September).

At Munich, Hitler, Chamberlain, French Premier Edouard Daladier, and Mussolini agreed to the German annexation of the Sudetenland. Czechoslovakia was not represented. The Czech government accepted under duress. Britain and France guaranteed the remainder of the country. Chamberlain produced an additional Anglo-German declaration of friendship ("the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with one another again") which he waved on the steps of 10 Downing Street as "peace for our time."

Six months later, on 15 March 1939, German forces occupied Prague. Bohemia and Moravia became a German Protectorate; Slovakia became a Nazi client state. The Czech guarantee was not invoked.

The pivot to Poland

The Prague occupation ended British public support for appeasement. On 31 March 1939 Chamberlain announced a unilateral guarantee of Polish independence. Hitler took this as evidence that the democracies would interfere with his plans for Lebensraum in the east. On 23 May 1939, in a speech to his generals (the "Schmundt Memorandum"), Hitler declared war on Poland to be unavoidable.

The Nazi-Soviet Pact (23 August 1939)

Negotiated by Foreign Ministers Joachim von Ribbentrop and Vyacheslav Molotov, the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact stunned the world. Secret protocols divided Eastern Europe into spheres of influence: Estonia, Latvia, Finland, eastern Poland, and Bessarabia to the USSR; western Poland and Lithuania to Germany. Stalin's logic was strategic: Anglo-Soviet talks earlier in 1939 had stalled, Munich had shown the west would not fight, and the pact bought time to rearm after the Purges. Hitler's logic was tactical: avoid a two-front war.

The invasion of Poland (1 September 1939)

A staged "Polish" attack on the Gleiwitz radio station (31 August 1939) gave Hitler his pretext. Germany invaded at 4.45am on 1 September 1939. Britain and France issued ultimatums and declared war on 3 September 1939. The USSR invaded eastern Poland on 17 September. Poland was partitioned within five weeks.

Historiography

A.J.P. Taylor (The Origins of the Second World War, 1961) argued Hitler was an opportunist German nationalist responding to circumstances, not a uniquely demonic master planner. He blamed appeasement and Anglo-French miscalculation, especially over Poland.

Richard Overy (The Origins of the Second World War, 1987; Why the Allies Won, 1995) is the modern consensus: Hitler's ideology of racial war and Lebensraum drove him deliberately towards a continental war.

Donald Cameron Watt (How War Came, 1989) presents a granular diplomatic account that complicates Taylor without rejecting his core insight that decisions in 1939 were contingent.

R.A.C. Parker (Chamberlain and Appeasement, 1993) is the standard study of Chamberlain: he argues alternatives to appeasement existed and were rejected for political, not strategic, reasons.

Road to war timeline

Date Event Significance
7 Mar 1936 Rhineland remilitarised Versailles dead
1936-1939 Spanish Civil War Hitler and Mussolini back Franco
25 Oct 1936 Rome-Berlin Axis Italy and Germany aligned
5 Nov 1937 Hossbach Memorandum Hitler outlines war plans
12 Mar 1938 Anschluss Austria annexed
29-30 Sept 1938 Munich Agreement Sudetenland ceded
15 Mar 1939 Germany occupies Prague Appeasement collapses
31 Mar 1939 British guarantee of Poland Pivot from appeasement
23 Aug 1939 Nazi-Soviet Pact Strategic surprise
1 Sept 1939 Germany invades Poland War begins
3 Sept 1939 Britain and France declare war WWII in Europe

How to read a source on this topic

Section I sources on appeasement commonly include David Low's "Stepping Stones to Glory" (8 July 1936), the famous Chamberlain "peace for our time" photograph (30 September 1938), the Munich Agreement text, Hossbach Memorandum extracts, or the Nazi-Soviet Pact secret protocols (only fully published after 1945). Three reading habits.

First, separate British public opinion at the time from later judgement. In October 1938, Chamberlain returned to a hero's welcome at Heston Aerodrome. Within six months, public opinion had reversed. A source from October 1938 captures a different mood than one from March 1939.

Second, weigh Hitler's stated and actual aims. The Hossbach Memorandum (1937) outlined war by 1943 to 1945. Sources from the Anschluss and Munich present Hitler's demands as the last territorial revision; the Prague occupation (March 1939) revealed this as untrue. Use the Memorandum to read the public claims sceptically.

Third, note what is absent. Czechoslovakia was not at Munich; Stalin was not at Munich. The omissions are themselves part of the source's evidence about the politics of appeasement.

Examples in context

Example 1. The Hossbach Memorandum (5 November 1937). Colonel Friedrich Hossbach recorded Hitler's address to Blomberg, Fritsch, Goering, Raeder, and Neurath in which the Fuhrer set out plans to acquire Lebensraum by force by 1943 to 1945. Read at Nuremberg, the memorandum became central to the prosecution case on conspiracy to wage aggressive war. Richard Overy (The Origins of the Second World War, 1987) treats it as evidence of intentionality. A.J.P. Taylor (Origins of the Second World War, 1961) dismissed it as bureaucratic posturing, but Overy and D.C. Watt (How War Came, 1989) have restored its evidentiary weight.

Example 2. The Nazi-Soviet Pact secret protocols (23 August 1939). Published in the West only after capture of German files in 1945, the protocols divided Eastern Europe into German and Soviet spheres. Robert Service (Stalin, 2004) reads the pact as Stalin buying time after the Purges had broken the Red Army officer corps; Roger Moorhouse (The Devils' Alliance, 2014) demonstrates how genuinely the regimes cooperated in 1939 to 1941. The secret protocols are a high-value Section I source because they were denied by Moscow until Gorbachev acknowledged them in December 1989.

Try this

Q1. Source A is an extract from Chamberlain's broadcast of 27 September 1938: "How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and trying on gas-masks here because of a quarrel in a faraway country between people of whom we know nothing." Using Source A and your own knowledge, explain how British policymakers justified appeasement. [5 marks]

  • What the marker wants. Identify the war-weariness logic; pair with rearmament gap, empire over-stretch, and moral argument over Versailles; cite at least one fact.

Q2. Evaluate the extent to which appeasement was responsible for the outbreak of war in Europe in 1939. [25 marks]

  • What the marker wants. Thesis weighing appeasement against Hitler's intentions; sustained Overy vs Taylor framing; specific evidence from Rhineland through to Polish guarantee.

Q3. Compare the views of A.J.P. Taylor and R.A.C. Parker on the responsibility of Neville Chamberlain for the failure of appeasement. [10 marks]

  • What the marker wants. Taylor (opportunist Hitler, contingent war) vs Parker (Chamberlain and Appeasement, 1993: alternatives existed, were rejected); your judgement.

Exam-style practice questions

Practice questions written in the style of NESA exam questions on this dot point, with worked answer explainers. The year tag is the paper they imitate, not the source.

Practice (NESA)10 marksAssess the view that the policy of appeasement was responsible for the outbreak of World War II in Europe.
Show worked answer →

A 10-mark "assess" requires a thesis, developed paragraphs, and the Taylor-Overy debate.

Thesis
Appeasement contributed to the outbreak of war by emboldening Hitler, but the decisive cause was Hitler's deliberate ideological pursuit of war. Appeasement determined the timing, not the inevitability.
The case for appeasement as cause
Each concession encouraged the next aggression. The remilitarisation of the Rhineland (March 1936) went unchallenged. The Anschluss (12 March 1938) confirmed Britain and France would not move. The Munich Agreement (29 to 30 September 1938) handed Germany the Sudetenland, 35 Czech army divisions, and the Skoda armaments works. Chamberlain returned with "peace for our time." Hitler concluded the democracies would not fight.
The case for Hitler's agency
Richard Overy (The Origins of the Second World War, 1987) argues Hitler's foreign policy was driven by ideology: Lebensraum, racial war, and the destruction of the USSR. The Hossbach Memorandum (5 November 1937) outlined plans for war by 1943 to 1945. The occupation of rump Czechoslovakia (15 March 1939) was unprovoked; no accommodation could have satisfied Hitler.
The Taylor revisionist case
A.J.P. Taylor (The Origins of the Second World War, 1961) argued Hitler was an opportunist, not a master planner, and that war over Poland was partly the result of British guarantees. Taylor's view is largely rejected but remains a key historiographical reference.
Conclusion
Appeasement was a strategic error that emboldened Hitler, but war originated in Hitler's ideological programme. Overy, not Taylor, sets the modern scholarly consensus.
Practice (NESA)5 marksExplain the significance of the Munich Agreement (1938).
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A 5-mark "explain" needs three significances developed with evidence.

Strategic surrender
The Munich Agreement (29 to 30 September 1938) between Hitler, Chamberlain, Daladier, and Mussolini handed Germany the Sudetenland without Czech participation. Czechoslovakia lost its border fortifications, 35 trained army divisions, and the Skoda armaments works (then producing one-third of Czech military output). The country was strategically defenceless.
High point of appeasement
Chamberlain returned waving a paper signed with Hitler ("I believe it is peace for our time"). British public opinion was initially supportive. Six months later, the German occupation of Prague (15 March 1939) ended that support. Chamberlain pivoted to the guarantee of Polish independence (31 March 1939).
Encouragement of further aggression
Hitler told his generals at Munich that he was disappointed; he had wanted to crush Czechoslovakia by force. The Polish guarantee and the Nazi-Soviet Pact followed within a year. Munich convinced Stalin that the western powers would not stand with him against Germany, paving the way for the August 1939 pact.

Richard Overy describes Munich as "the price for postponing war by twelve months." Markers reward strategic detail (Skoda works), Chamberlain's quote, and the link to subsequent events.

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