What evidence remains for everyday life in Pompeii and Herculaneum?
Everyday life in Pompeii and Herculaneum, including leisure activities, food, housing, water supply and sanitation, and the evidence from frescoes, archaeology, and inscriptions
A focused answer to the HSC Ancient History Core Study dot point on everyday life: Roman housing (domus, insulae, villas), food (thermopolia, carbonised remains, Herculaneum's sewer evidence), leisure (baths, the AD 59 amphitheatre riot, theatres), water supply (the Castellum Aquae), and the verdicts of Wallace-Hadrill and Mary Beard.
Reviewed by: AI editorial process; not yet individually human-reviewed
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What this dot point is asking
NESA expects you to describe and analyse the lived experience of Pompeii and Herculaneum across food, housing, leisure, water, and sanitation, with specific archaeological and frescoes evidence. The Cities of Vesuvius preserve more daily-life evidence than any other Roman site. Strong answers cite named houses, named baths, named thermopolia, and engage with debate about how representative this evidence is.
The answer
Housing: the Roman atrium-peristyle plan
The wealthy Roman domus combined a public reception space (the atrium with impluvium and tablinum) with a private internal courtyard (the peristyle). Elite houses at Pompeii include the House of the Faun (c. 3,000 square metres, with the Alexander mosaic), the House of the Vettii (freedmen merchants), the House of the Tragic Poet (with the "Cave Canem" mosaic), and the House of the Menander (associated with Quintus Poppaeus, possibly a relative of Nero's wife Poppaea).
At Herculaneum, the smaller and better-preserved houses include the House of the Wooden Partition (with surviving wooden screens), the House of the Mosaic Atrium, and the Samnite House (one of the oldest surviving houses).
Non-elite housing took different forms: the upper storeys of insula buildings (apartment houses), shop-houses with a workshop or shop at ground level and living quarters above, and rented rooms (the Praedia of Julia Felix was a rental complex).
Outside the walls stood the villas. The Villa of the Mysteries, just beyond the Porta Ercolano, combined an elite residence (with its famous Second Style Dionysiac frieze) with working wine production: a torcularium (wine press) survives on site. Smaller working farms (villae rusticae) such as the Villa Regina at Boscoreale, excavated with its vineyard and wine cellar of buried dolia, show that "villa" life ranged from luxury retreat to agricultural business, and often both at once.
Andrew Wallace-Hadrill (Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum, 1994) demonstrated that Roman houses mixed function and display: kitchens, slave quarters, and workshops sat alongside public reception rooms. The distinction between domestic and economic space is modern, not Roman. Penelope Allison (Pompeian Households, 2004) adds a caution from the artefacts themselves: the objects actually found in "dining rooms" and "bedrooms" often do not match the literary labels, so the neat textbook plan describes an ideal as much as a lived reality.
Wall painting: the four Pompeian styles
Wall paintings are categorised in four styles (a scheme proposed by August Mau in 1882).
- First Style (Masonry, c. 200 to 80 BC)
- Stucco simulating coloured marble.
- Second Style (Architectural, c. 80 BC to 14 AD)
- Trompe-l'oeil architecture creating illusionary depth, as in the Villa of the Mysteries.
- Third Style (Ornate, c. 14 to 62 AD)
- Delicate ornamental designs with central mythological scenes on monochrome panels.
- Fourth Style (Composite, c. 62 to 79 AD)
- Fantasy architecture combined with mythological vignettes. The House of the Vettii is the canonical example.
Food and the thermopolia
Diet evidence comes from carbonised food remains (figs, olives, bread, eggs at the House of Iulius Polybius), kitchen archaeology (the carbonised loaves of the Bakery of Modestus), and the over 150 thermopolia.
A thermopolium was a fast-food counter with sunken dolia containing hot food. The Thermopolium of Vetutius Placidus on the Via dell'Abbondanza preserves the painted counter, the lararium, and a cash deposit of around 1,300 sestertii. The 2020 discovery and excavation of the Thermopolium of Regio V provided new painted decoration of food on display.
Garum (fish sauce), wine, bread, olives, cheese, fruit, and pulses formed the dietary core. Meat was a luxury, but evidence from Herculaneum's sewers (the 2008 excavation of the Cardo V sewer) reveals fish, chicken, pork, and game in non-elite diet, refining earlier assumptions of mainly grain-based subsistence.
Public baths
The thermae were the centre of social life. Three major bath complexes at Pompeii: the Stabian Baths (oldest, 2nd century BC), the Forum Baths (1st century BC), and the Central Baths (under construction in AD 79).
Each had a frigidarium (cold), tepidarium (warm), and caldarium (hot), with the hypocaust under-floor heating system. Mixed and gender-segregated bathing varied. The palaestra (exercise courtyard) preserved equipment for ball games, wrestling, and athletics.
Seneca (Letters 56), writing from his Bay of Naples villa, complains about the noise above his lodgings near a public bath: shouting, splashing, and the sounds of every kind of athletic exertion.
Theatre, amphitheatre, and games
The Large Theatre at Pompeii (5,000 seats), rebuilt under the patronage of Marcus Holconius Rufus and his brother, hosted tragedy, comedy, and mime. The smaller Odeon (covered, around 1,500 seats) hosted recitations and music. The Quadriporticus dei Teatri (originally a portico) was repurposed as the Gladiator Barracks after the AD 62 earthquake.
The Amphitheatre (built c. 70 BC by Quinctius Valgus and Marcius Porcius) seated around 20,000. The fresco from the House of Actius Anicetus depicts the AD 59 riot between Pompeians and Nucerians at a gladiatorial show, an event recorded by Tacitus (Annals 14.17). The riot led to a ten-year ban on gladiatorial games at Pompeii, lifted only after the AD 62 earthquake.
The Lupanare and prostitution
The Lupanare on the Vicolo del Lupanare is the best-preserved Roman brothel. Two storeys, ten small cells, painted erotic vignettes above each doorway, and around 120 graffiti naming prostitutes (often slaves with Greek names) and clients. Prices were low (often two asses, comparable to a loaf of bread).
Mary Beard (Pompeii, 2008) cautions against treating the Lupanare as a unique site: cellae meretriciae are scattered throughout the city, often above bars, in side rooms, or in rented spaces.
Water and sanitation
The Aqua Augusta (Serino aqueduct, c. 20 BC under Augustus) supplied the Bay of Naples region. At Pompeii, the Castellum Aquae near the Porta Vesuvio (the city's highest point) distributed water through three lead pipes: one for public street fountains (around 40 city-wide, spaced roughly 80 metres apart), one for the baths, and one for private connections (paid by tax). Vitruvius (De Architectura 8.6) describes exactly this three-way division from a castellum, arranged so that in a shortage the private supply was cut first and the public fountains kept flowing, and historians use his account to interpret the surviving fittings at Pompeii.
Public latrines existed at the Forum Baths and Stabian Baths. Private houses had latrines, often adjacent to the kitchen for waste disposal. Street drains carried rainwater and waste toward the Sarno. The AD 62 earthquake damaged the aqueduct; in AD 79 some sections were still being repaired, and stepping stones across the streets show how much water and waste the roadways themselves still carried.
Everyday life at a glance
| Activity | Key sites | Source / historian |
|---|---|---|
| Elite housing | House of the Faun, House of the Vettii | Wallace-Hadrill 1994 |
| Wall painting | Villa of the Mysteries (Second Style) | Mau 1882; Beard 2008 |
| Food | Thermopolium of Vetutius Placidus | Pliny NH; sewer archaeology |
| Bathing | Stabian Baths, Forum Baths | Seneca Letters 56 |
| Theatre | Large Theatre, Odeon | Holconius inscription |
| Games | Amphitheatre, AD 59 riot fresco | Tacitus Annals 14.17 |
| Prostitution | Lupanare | Beard 2008 |
| Water | Castellum Aquae, 40 public fountains | Aqua Augusta inscriptions |
How to read a source on this topic
Section I sources on everyday life typically include photographs of houses, frescoes (the AD 59 riot, Terentius Neo and his wife), thermopolium counters, electoral campaign walls, and extracts from Seneca, Tacitus, or Pliny the Elder. Three reading habits.
First, identify the social class implied. The House of the Faun (around 3,000 square metres) represents the top 1 to 2 per cent; the upper-storey rented rooms above a thermopolium represent the urban poor. Don't generalise elite evidence to the whole population.
Second, decode the four Pompeian styles. Mau's 1882 classification still structures scholarship. A Second Style fresco indicates a date c. 80 BC to AD 14; a Fourth Style indicates post-AD 62 redecoration. Date the source.
Third, balance the famous with the typical. The Lupanare and the Villa of the Mysteries are spectacular but unusual. Mary Beard's caution applies: use them as illustrative rather than representative.
Historians on everyday life
The ancient written evidence is thin but precise where it exists: Seneca (Letters 56) on the sounds of a bath complex, Tacitus (Annals 14.17) on the AD 59 amphitheatre riot, and Vitruvius (De Architectura 8.6) on how a castellum divided its water; none of these writers set out to describe Pompeii's daily life, so archaeology carries most of the weight. Among the moderns, August Mau (1882) built the four-style framework still used to date wall painting. Andrew Wallace-Hadrill (Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum, 1994) argues that houses mixed economic, domestic and display space, dissolving the modern public/private divide, and that the surviving evidence over-represents the propertied classes. Mary Beard (Pompeii, 2008) is the standing corrective against generalisation: the famous sites (the Lupanare, the Villa of the Mysteries, the House of the Faun) are outliers, not averages. Penelope Allison (Pompeian Households, 2004) uses artefact distributions to show that literary room labels often misdescribe how rooms were actually used. The strongest recent shift is dietary: the 2008 Cardo V sewer excavation at Herculaneum, studied by researchers with the Herculaneum Conservation Project, put fish, chicken, pork and game into the picture of ordinary diet, qualifying the older grain-and-pulses model. Use these positions as argument: Wallace-Hadrill and Allison to complicate the house plan, Beard to qualify any generalisation, the sewer evidence to update the diet.
Exam-style practice questions
Practice questions written in the style of NESA exam questions on this dot point, with worked answer explainers. The year tag is the paper they imitate, not the source.
2022 HSC (verbatim)7 marksExplain the importance of water supply and sanitation to everyday life in Pompeii and Herculaneum. Support your response using Source B.Show worked answer →
A 7-mark response on water and sanitation needs three to four substantive features with named evidence.
- The Castellum Aquae and the aqueduct
- Pompeii was supplied from the Aqua Augusta (the Serino aqueduct, built under Augustus c. 20 BC), one of the longest Roman aqueducts. Water entered Pompeii at the Castellum Aquae near the Porta Vesuvio (the city's highest point), where it was distributed through three lead pipes (one for public fountains, one for baths, one for private houses).
- Public fountains
- Around 40 public street fountains have been identified, spaced roughly 80 metres apart so no resident was more than a short walk from water. The fountains were carved with deities (Hercules, Mercury) and were a primary water source for non-elite households.
- Private water
- Wealthy houses with private connections (paid by a water tax) had fountains in their peristyles, decorative nymphaea, and small piped supplies to kitchens. The Praedia of Julia Felix and the House of the Vettii both preserve elaborate fountain systems.
- Latrines and sewers
- Houses had private latrines (often adjacent to the kitchen for waste disposal). Public latrines existed at the Forum Baths and Stabian Baths. The cardo system of streets had drains beneath some sections; rainwater flushed waste into the Sarno River. Andrew Wallace-Hadrill notes that sanitation was variable: the streets often served as overflow waste channels.
- The AD 62 earthquake and water disruption
- The Aqua Augusta was damaged in AD 62. Reconstruction was incomplete in AD 79; some inhabitants relied on cisterns and wells in the meantime.
Markers reward the Castellum Aquae, the named aqueduct, fountain counts, and at least one historian. Bonus marks for noting the earthquake disruption.
2021 HSC (verbatim)7 marksExplain the importance of leisure activities in everyday life in Pompeii and Herculaneum. Support your response using evidence from Sources D and E and other relevant sources.Show worked answer →
A 7-mark response on leisure needs four substantive types of activity with named sites and evidence.
- Public baths (thermae)
- The Forum Baths, Stabian Baths, Central Baths (under construction in AD 79), and Suburban Baths at Pompeii preserve frigidarium, tepidarium, caldarium, and palaestra. The Stabian Baths are the oldest (2nd century BC). Mixed and segregated bathing varied. Bathing was social as well as hygienic: Seneca (Letters 56) describes the noise of the baths in the Bay of Naples region.
- Theatre and music
- Pompeii had two theatres: the Large Theatre (5,000 seats, rebuilt under the Holconii) and the Odeon (covered theatre for music and recitations, around 1,500 seats). Programs of mime and pantomime are attested in graffiti. The "actor's dressing room" frescoes at the House of the Tragic Poet show the theatrical world.
- Amphitheatre and games
- Pompeii's Amphitheatre (c. 70 BC) is the oldest surviving stone amphitheatre and seated around 20,000. The fresco from the House of Actius Anicetus depicts the AD 59 riot between Pompeians and Nucerians at a gladiatorial show, recorded also by Tacitus (Annals 14.17). The Gladiator Barracks (Quadriporticus dei Teatri) housed the gladiators.
- The Lupanare and brothels
- The Lupanare on the Vicolo del Lupanare is the best-preserved Roman brothel. Painted erotic scenes, named graffiti (around 120 inscriptions naming prostitutes and clients), and small cells preserve the trade. Other cellae meretriciae are scattered throughout the city. Mary Beard cautions against treating the Lupanare as a unique site.
- Drinking and gaming
- Over 150 thermopolia (fast-food and drink shops) served wine and snacks. Tabernae (taverns) preserved graffiti of dice games and bets. Painting from the Caupona of Salvius shows men gambling with dice.
Markers reward four types of activity, named sites (Stabian Baths, Amphitheatre, Lupanare), and a historian (Beard, Wallace-Hadrill, Tacitus).
Practice questions
Original practice questions graded from foundation to exam level, each with a full worked solution. Try them before revealing the solution.
foundation4 marksOutline the sequence of spaces a visitor passed through in a typical elite Roman domus, moving from the street to the garden.Show worked solution →
A 4-mark "outline" wants the correct sequence of named spaces, each with a brief accurate feature.
- Point 1: The fauces
- A narrow corridor leading from the street door into the house.
- Point 2: The atrium
- A tall reception hall with a central impluvium (rainwater basin) fed by the compluvium (roof opening) above it.
- Point 3: The tablinum
- The owner's reception room and office, positioned opposite the entrance so visitors could see straight through the house.
- Point 4: The peristyle
- A colonnaded garden courtyard at the rear, often surrounded by dining rooms (triclinia) and bedrooms (cubicula).
Markers reward the correct front-to-back sequence and one accurate feature per space; naming the spaces out of order loses marks even if all four are identified.
foundation5 marksIdentify and briefly describe THREE types of archaeological evidence used to reconstruct diet at Pompeii and Herculaneum.Show worked solution →
A 5-mark "identify and describe" wants three named evidence types, each with an accurate supporting detail.
- Thermopolia
- Over 150 fast-food counters with sunken dolia for hot food have been identified; the Thermopolium of Vetutius Placidus preserves a painted counter, a lararium and a cash deposit of around 1,300 sestertii.
- Carbonised food remains
- Figs, olives, bread and eggs survived as carbonised material at the House of Iulius Polybius, and carbonised loaves survive in the Bakery of Modestus.
- Sewer and drain deposits
- The 2008 excavation of Herculaneum's Cardo V sewer recovered fish, chicken, pork and game bones, refining the assumption that ordinary diet was mainly bread and pulses.
Markers reward three correctly named evidence types with an accurate, specific detail for each; a vague "archaeology shows what they ate" earns no marks.
core6 marksSOURCE ANALYSIS. Source A (ExamExplained reconstruction): a marble-topped counter recovered from a Pompeian street corner, its front panel painted with a rooster and faded traces of a price list, four sunken storage jars set into the counter top, and a small painted niche at one end. Using Source A and your own knowledge, explain what this type of site reveals about food and dining in Pompeii.Show worked solution →
A 6-mark source-analysis task needs the source USED, own knowledge beyond it, and a qualification.
- Use the source
- Source A's counter, sunken jars and painted price list identify it as a thermopolium, a street-front food and drink counter; the small niche at one end matches the placement of a household shrine, as at real examples where a lararium sits beside the serving counter.
- Own knowledge
- This matches the Thermopolium of Vetutius Placidus on the Via dell'Abbondanza, which preserves a painted counter, an attached lararium and a cash deposit of around 1,300 sestertii, and the 2020 excavation of the Thermopolium of Regio V, which recovered painted decoration of the food and animals on sale plus food residues still inside the dolia. Over 150 such counters are known at Pompeii, selling garum, wine, bread, olives, cheese and pulses; meat was traditionally seen as a luxury, though the 2008 excavation of Herculaneum's Cardo V sewer found fish, chicken, pork and game in ordinary refuse.
- Qualify it
- A single counter cannot show how often non-elite residents actually ate meat rather than the grain-based staples; Andrew Wallace-Hadrill cautions that any one site is only a sample, and the sewer evidence should be read as a correction to, not a wholesale rewriting of, the picture built from thermopolia and carbonised remains.
Markers reward explicit use of the source's detail (the price list, the jars, the niche), named comparative evidence (Vetutius Placidus, Regio V, the Cardo V sewer), and a stated limitation.
core6 marksExplain how the design of the Castellum Aquae reflected priorities in the distribution of water across Pompeii's population.Show worked solution →
A 6-mark "explain" needs the mechanism, the ancient evidence for it, and the priority it reveals.
- The mechanism
- The Castellum Aquae, near the Porta Vesuvio at the city's highest point, received the Aqua Augusta's flow and split it through three lead pipes set at different heights: one to the roughly 40 public street fountains, one to the public baths, and one to private houses paying a water tax.
- The ancient evidence
- Vitruvius (De Architectura 8.6) describes exactly this kind of three-way distribution from a castellum, arranged so that if supply fell, the private pipe (the lowest priority) could be shut off first, keeping the public fountains and baths running. Historians apply this account to explain the surviving pipe fixtures at Pompeii's own Castellum Aquae.
- The priority it reveals
- In engineering intent at least, non-elite residents drawing water from the public fountains had a more secure supply than wealthy households with a private connection, since the private pipe was the first sacrificed in a shortfall, such as after the Aqua Augusta was damaged in the AD 62 earthquake and still under repair in AD 79.
Markers reward the three-pipe system, correct use of Vitruvius as the ancient source for the priority order, and an explicit statement of what this reveals about civic priorities.
core6 marksExplain the significance of the AD 59 riot at Pompeii's Amphitheatre for our understanding of everyday civic tension in Roman-Italian towns.Show worked solution →
A 6-mark "explain significance" needs the dated event, its evidence base, and its wider meaning, not just a retelling.
- What happened
- In AD 59 a riot broke out between Pompeians and visiting Nucerians at a gladiatorial show in Pompeii's Amphitheatre. Tacitus (Annals 14.17) records serious casualties and reports that the Senate banned gladiatorial games at Pompeii for ten years; a fresco from the House of Actius Anicetus depicts the fighting spreading from the seating into the surrounding area.
- Why it is significant
- The riot shows that shared civic leisure, watched by up to around 20,000 people, more than Pompeii's own free population, could turn into serious inter-town violence rather than always reinforcing harmony. It also shows Rome intervening directly in a local town's everyday leisure life, since the ban came from the Senate, not from Pompeii's own magistrates.
- Qualify it
- The ban was eventually lifted, probably after the AD 62 earthquake, and games resumed, suggesting the amphitheatre's civic value to the town outweighed the disorder in the long run.
Markers reward the correct date and sources (Tacitus, Annals 14.17; the House of Actius Anicetus fresco), the ten-year ban, and an explicit statement of significance beyond narrating the event.
exam10 marksSource B (ExamExplained reconstruction): a fresco recovered from a house near the Pompeian forum, painted in the style of the scene from the House of Actius Anicetus, showing armed fighting spilling from the arena's lower seating into the surrounding porticoes, with fleeing figures, an overturned stall and a fallen awning. Using Source B and your own knowledge, evaluate the usefulness and reliability of pictorial evidence such as this for understanding leisure and civic tension in Pompeii.Show worked solution →
A 10-mark "evaluate" needs origin/motive/audience, BALANCED usefulness and reliability, corroboration, and a judgement.
- Origin, motive, audience
- Source B is a private house decoration, commissioned by a Pompeian householder to commemorate or dramatise a notorious local event, not an official or documentary record; it was made for the pride or interest of the household and its visitors, not for a court or a historian.
- Usefulness
- The image is genuinely useful because it visualises the SPATIAL spread of the violence, from the arena's seating out into the porticoes, in a way a written account alone does not, and it corroborates the basic fact of serious disorder recorded independently by Tacitus (Annals 14.17).
- Reliability
- Reliability is limited because a single painted scene reflects one artist's or patron's chosen, dramatised moment; overturned stalls and fleeing figures may be exaggerated for visual impact, and no second pictorial version survives to check it against. Historians such as Mary Beard caution generally that vivid Pompeian imagery, however dramatic, depicts a single chosen moment and needs corroboration before being read as straightforward documentary record.
- Corroboration and judgement
- Corroborated against Tacitus's independent written account (from Rome's perspective) and against the historical fact of the Senate's resulting ten-year ban, the image is a useful illustration of a real, serious event, but its details of composition should not be taken as a literal, accurate record of exactly what happened.
Marker's note: top answers state a clear judgement on usefulness versus reliability, use origin/motive/audience explicitly, and corroborate the image against Tacitus and the ban rather than simply describing what the picture shows.
exam25 marksESSAY. To what extent does the evidence for everyday life in Pompeii and Herculaneum reveal a society sharply divided between elite comfort and non-elite hardship?Show worked solution →
A band-6 essay sustains a judgement on "to what extent," deploys specific dated and named evidence across housing, water, food and leisure, and integrates historiography as argument. This is a plan plus a model paragraph.
- Thesis
- The evidence shows real inequality, sharpest in housing, but everyday life was not cleanly split into elite comfort and non-elite hardship: shared civic infrastructure and leisure culture, and archaeological correction of assumptions about non-elite diet, reveal a society of gradations rather than two separate worlds.
- Argument line 1: Housing as the sharpest divide
- The House of the Faun (about 3,000 square metres, the Alexander Mosaic) and the House of the Vettii sit within the same city blocks as rented upper rooms above shops and the Praedia of Julia Felix, a rental complex let out to non-elite tenants. Physical space was shared street by street even where wealth was not.
- Argument line 2: Water supply as a partial equaliser
- Around 40 public street fountains, spaced roughly 80 metres apart and fed via the Castellum Aquae's public pipe, gave ordinary residents a guaranteed baseline supply; Vitruvius (De Architectura 8.6) describes the private pipe as the first cut off in a shortage, meaning wealthy private subscribers, not the public fountains, bore the brunt of the AD 62 earthquake's damage to the Aqua Augusta. Elite houses added private fountains and nymphaea (as at the House of the Vettii) as a luxury layered on top of a shared civic floor, not a replacement for it.
Argument line 3: Food and leisure complicate a simple "hardship" narrative. Over 150 thermopolia served ordinary residents daily, and the 2008 Cardo V sewer excavation at Herculaneum found fish, chicken, pork and game in everyday refuse, correcting the assumption that non-elite diet was uniformly grain-based hardship. The amphitheatre (built c. 70 BC) seated around 20,000, more than Pompeii's free population, meaning leisure culture, even when it turned violent in the AD 59 riot (Tacitus, Annals 14.17), was genuinely shared rather than segregated by wealth.
- Historiography
- Andrew Wallace-Hadrill (Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum, 1994) argues that Roman houses mixed domestic, economic and display space, undermining a clean architectural line between rich and poor. Mary Beard (Pompeii, 2008) stresses that famous houses are unrepresentative outliers and that most residents lived modestly, though modestly is not the same as destitute. Penelope Allison (Pompeian Households, 2004) cautions that literary room names such as "triclinium" often do not match where objects were actually found, warning against reading a fixed social hierarchy directly off a house plan.
- Model paragraph (argument line 2)
- Water supply is the clearest evidence against a picture of stark, undifferentiated hardship. The Castellum Aquae divided Pompeii's aqueduct water through three lead pipes, and Vitruvius's description of exactly this arrangement (De Architectura 8.6) makes clear that the private pipe, not the public one, was designed to be sacrificed first when supply ran short. When the Aqua Augusta was damaged in the AD 62 earthquake, it was therefore the households wealthy enough to have paid for a private connection whose supply was most at risk, while the roughly 40 public fountains, spaced so that no resident was more than a short walk from water, continued to serve the wider population. Elite houses layered private fountains and nymphaea on top of this shared floor as visible luxury, but the floor itself, as Wallace-Hadrill's account of mixed-use housing implies more broadly, was common civic infrastructure, not an elite preserve.
- Conclusion
- Housing shows the sharpest and most durable inequality; water, food and shared leisure culture show a floor of common provision and experience beneath it. A verdict of "real but partial and uneven division" is defensible and sustained throughout.
Marker's note: band 6 responses answer "to what extent" with an explicit, sustained verdict, draw specific dated and named evidence from AT LEAST housing, water and one of food/leisure, and use two or more named historians as argument (Wallace-Hadrill, Beard, Allison), not as a decorative list. A response that only describes elite versus non-elite evidence without weighing division against shared provision caps at mid-band.
